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“Saving the Blood of a Large Number of Brave Men”: A French description of Joint French and American War Games 1780

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In earlier blogs I wrote about a war game or “sham battle” described in the letter of an American doctor (John Goddard) to a colleague. This battle was on October 2, 1780, but there are also descriptions of later mock battles or skirmishes on October 8th and October 11th of 1780. Louis Bertrand Dupont d’Aubevouede Lauberdiere kept a Journal of his experience in the American Revolutionary War. Through the work of Norman Desmarais, we have an English translation – The French Campaigns in the American Revolution, 1780-1783: The Diary of Count of Lauberdiere, General Rochambeau’s Nephew and Aide-De-Camp.

We know through a brief Providence newspaper account that another “battle” occurred on October 8th. Lauberdiere described the battle as being “on the eighth.” In his diary he mentions yet a third of these war games on October 11th. There are some similarities of the mock battle descriptions in both the American and French accounts.

From Lauberdiere’s diary:

“May our comrades arrive soon and draw us out of the somber tranquility in which we live. The soldiers under canvas (tents) want to see the enemy, want to hear the cannon. In the absence of the British, Mr. De Rochambeau created some and, on the eighth he drilled the army on the point where the real enemy might land. We pretended that a fleet entered our harbor and planned a landing.” ( Road to Yorktown.” page 40-41).

The British ships had been seen near Newport waters and the expectation was that they would invade. Rochambeau picked the location of the British invasion in 1776 as the site for the battle. The diary calls the location “Stauder’s House,” but the actual name was Stoddard. British maps label this location. close to the Middletown – Portsmouth border, as the landing site of the British.

“We put 1500 men under the command of the Viscount de Viomenil who was at Stauder’s house. It was there that our enemies first began to take possession of a few houses along the shore. Mr. De Rochambeau kept the rest of the troops with him for the imminent attack to which he joined the American Rhode Island Regiment commanded by Co. (Christopher) Greene. These troops were divided into two column. Mr. De Rochambeau personally led the left column. The Baron de Viomenil commanded the right. The grenadiers and light infantry battalions formed a separate one.”

In Goddard’s account of the October 2nd mock battle, the American forces, the Rhode Island First Regiment (the Black Regiment), under Col. Christopher Greene, took part in the drill. The French Army did have drills between their own men and some of those may have been in the Third Beach area of Middletown. This drill on the eighth of October was also a drill of combined forces of the Americans and their French allies.

Col. Christopher Greene

“The attack began with several discharges of cannon, well-executed to create a complete effect of the fictitious enemy leaving their boats and forming quickly. At the same time, the column of grenadiers advanced to dislodge the enemy from the houses as they began to establish themselves there. During this musket fire, the Baron de Viomenil turned their right under the protection of a hill which concealed his movement. When he was ready and the attack was fully engaged, Mr. De Rochambeau had the charge sounded. Everything advanced in good order. The enemy disappeared and reassembled on the seashore.”

An Accident Happens: Lauberdiere’s diary:

“An accident occurred during this drill. A cannoneer cleaning a piece lost an arm by the sponge. The one who was aiming it had neglected to cover the touchhole with his thumb. An ember remaining from the preceding shot ignited and the charge caught fire.”

During the Revolutionary War a sponge head was used to extinguish embers from the previous firing. The sponge was part of a sponge-rammer tool that pushed the round into the barrel. The sponge head was dipped in water and run down the barrel to quench any embers left over.

Lauberdiere continued:

“Other accidents might have also happened, always caused by the cannon. Many of our navy officers who wanted to witness this drill rented horses. They were usually poor horsemen and wanted to remove all doubt, as three or four were thrown on the ground with each cannon shot.”

It appears there was an audience for the October 8th battle as well as the one described in Goddard’s account of the one on October 2nd.

The diary goes on to describe another drill, this one on the 11th of October:

“Mr. The Count de Rochambeau had the same drill at the point of Stauder’s house on the 11th, just as on the eighth. It was not executed with enough precision or vivacity. It’s on when we are outside the lines and near the one giving orders that we can see the mistakes and know how important it is to have well-informed officers and experienced soldiers. The former understand the orders they receive more easily with experience. In the election, the latter are more prompt, often foresee the objectives and march with greater assurance.”

Lauberdiere’s diary gives an insight into the value of these drills.

“A skirmish is an image of a real battle when it is well conceived and it is also educational. The only real difference, I think, is saving the blood of a large number of brave men. Our general, then, could not make better use of the leisure time which the English gave or to which our small number reduced us, than to accustom his soldiers to the sound of the musket and the cannon to teach them to march without fear especially on the land where they would really fight if the enemy appeared.” (page 46)

Digging in: Information from Robert Selig’s work on the French at Butts Hill

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The Battle of Rhode Island Association has sponsored valuable research on the construction of Butts Hill Fort by Robert Selig and John K. Robertson. I am just now getting around to digesting the reports as I work on a timeline of what happened at the fort during the “Camp Butts Hill” period of 1780 to 1781. This is the first in a series of “Digging In” to the research. Today I am doing a close reading of Robert Selig’s article “Rochambeau’s Engineers at Butts Hill Fort July 1780 to June 1781.” The article appears in the Battle of Rhode Island website – battleofrhodeisland.org.

When the French arrived on Aquidneck Island, they found that work was being done on Butts Hill Fort. Selig writes about a diary entry of Ervoil d’Oyré. Describing the defensive works, he found upon arrival in Newport in July 1780:
“Finally, the works built by the Americans on the north of the island were re-established and repaired to assure communication with the continent.”

Selig writes about the French intentions on Aquidneck Island in their early days on the island.

“Prior to the arrival of Rochambeau’s forces in Rhode Island in mid-July 1780, Butts Hill Fort ‘was the only fort active on the north end of the island.’ As Rochambeau set up defenses against the anticipated and feared British attack, he sought to strengthen Butts Hill Fort to block any access from the north. Earthworks had been set up earlier in the war and repairs and additions were made by Massachusetts State troops, but French engineers almost immediately provided the expertise that the Americans lacked.”

Selig goes on to say that on the 9th of July, 21 British ships were seen near Newport Harbor. .

“The next morning Rochambeau accelerated the construction of defensive works, not only around Newport but at Butts Hill Fort as well. An entry in the journal of Major Marius de Palys’s Journal de Campagne, mentions the redoubts at Howlands Ferry and Butts Hill Fort.

” ‘Eight days had elapsed since the commencement of the work, and no thought had yet been given to fortifying the point of the island which should have 1st thought of. This is the point of Howlands Ferry, and Monsieur de La Fayette decided to occupy it better than it was at the time. There were two bad redoubts, which were connected and formed into a respectable fort, which had not been finished, the fort and another in the shape of a star, which protected the ferry together with a battery on the mainland assured communication with the mainland, which was essential for relief or retreat in case of misfortune.'”

Palys’s Journal continued: “Eight days had elapsed since the commencement of the work.”

That would place the date of the beginning of the work to around 28 or 29 July 1780. Selig tells us that La Fayette spent ten days in Newport from the evening of 24 July to late afternoon 3 August 1780. In a letter to General George Washington, dated “Newport july the 26th at seven o’clock P.M.,” he informed Washington that he “could not help advising him [i.e., Rochambeau] very Strongly and very often to erect works and keep a communication oppenn’d with the Continent By Howland’s Ferry or Bristol Point. That matter will I hope be attended to in the Course of the next day.”

When I started researching Butt Hill Fort, I found several orderly books from Massachusetts militias who were at the fort. I imagined a few French engineers supervising the American workers. Reading through Selig’s translation of a French orderly book gives me a different image. There was a constant French presence at the fort with a five day rotation of men from Soissonnois, Santonge, Royal Deux Ponts, and Bourbonnais. Every five days a new detachment would leave Newport at 7 AM. “This detachment will march with arms and baggage to Butts Hill Fort near Howland’s Ferry to work there as directed to them by the engineer who will be there. They will take with them cooking pots, mess tins, asks, and provisions for five days …The captain who will command the detachment order to work at Butts Hill Fort, a mile from Howland’s Ferry, will keep his soldiers in good order and discipline, he will order each day one corporal and four men as guards, and will not allow more than one cook to be employed per regiment in order to keep as few men as possible from the work.” (Order of 9 December 1780).

The orders of December 28, 1780 provide the duties of the French troops -“for the security of the post, the police of the guard, and the preservation of the fort’s works,” The detachment takes orders from Monseur de Palisse, Major of the Royal Corp of Engineers and from Monsieur Planchard.

The French Orderly book lists orders from December 23, 1780 to June 7, 1781. French forces left Aquidneck Island to travel south in June of 1781. The road to Yorktown began with Aquidneck IsIand. On their way to Bristol Ferry the French army would pass nearby the fort they had been working to build.

Preparing for a Visit of Rochambeau to Butt’s Hill

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Did Rochambeau visit Butts Hill? In a letter dated August 2, 1780 from Newport, Lafayette wrote to American General William Heath about how to prepare for Rochambeau’s visit.

General William Heath

“On my coming into the town, I found that Count de Rochambeau was going to Butts Hill, and you easily guess that I did not like the plan. Our works are so disordered, and his dependence upon them so great, our tools, Boats &c. are in such a situation that I wanted some time to put it in a Better train.”

At this time the French are based on Aquidneck Island. There is an expectation that the British will again try to attack and occupy the island. Butts Hill is seen as a natural location to fortify as a prime spot to communicate with the mainland at Tiverton and Bristol. The French engineers and masons are working to turn fortifications left by the British and Americans into an actual fort. American militia soldiers under General Heath and the Rhode Island First Regiment (the Black Regiment) are aiding in the physical effort to complete the fortifications. The situation at what they call “Camp Butts Hill” is difficult. After three years of British occupation, basic resources like wood for fuel, water and food are lacking.

Lafayette goes on in the letter to encourage Heath and his men.

“From what you told me, my dear friend, I don’t doubt but that the thousand men with thousand tools will be tomorrow morning at work, and think they ought to Begin very early.”

Lafayette suggested ways Heath could prepare for Rochambeau’s visit. The boats should be gathered and men should be working to repair them. Fascines (bundles of sticks for fort construction) and cannons should be ready and guarded.

“As to the picquets I think we might have one of the Nigros upon the Road…” Picquets are “a soldier, or small unit of soldiers, placed on a defensive line forward of a friendly position to provide timely warning and screening against an enemy advance.” The “Nigros” Lafayette refers to would be from the Black Regiment (Rhode Island First Regiment) commanded by Col. Christopher Greene. Their camp is pictured next to Butts Hill in the Berthier maps of 1780. Greene’s men were Continentals and had been well trained. The militia, on the other hand, were volunteers that served three to six months and then went back to their homes.

“I believe we ought not to go through the militia Camp, but meet you at the fort with some of their officers to introduce to the count.” The barebones conditions at “Camp Butts Hill” were not something Lafayette wanted Rochambeau to see.

Berthier Map. Note Outline of Butts Hill Fort and location of Col. Greene’s men at Camp Butts Hill.

“Don’t you think, my dear Sir, that we ought to put every thing in a good train as to the tools, workmen &c. against the time the Count will come

The code word for the day would be “Boston.” Lafayette gives us a glimpse of their procedures. “When people are coming from without you know the Centry must say “Who is there,” and upon answering ‘friend’ the centry says ‘advance one’ and the Corporal comes immediately to Reconnoitre.’ Will send Mr Washington, and upon the Corporal’s telling advance, I think we ought to learn our men how to present properly their arms to Count de Rochambeau.”

A footnote explains that “Mr. Washington” is George Augustin Washington, Lafayette’s aide de camp.

The next day Lafayette writes again to Heath. “Count de Rochambeau will be with you between four and five this evening.” (Newport, August 3, 1780 – Lafayette to Heath.). I will look for more letters or orderly reports that will confirm that Rochambeau did visit the fort and what that visit might have been like.

Resources:

Idzerda, Stanley, Editor. Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution. Selected Letters and Papers 1776-1790. Volume 3.

The Many Lives of the HMS Flora

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I am working on a tour of sites in Portsmouth that saw action in the Battle of Rhode Island. The top of Quaker Hill is one such site. Some historians even use the term “Battle of Quaker Hill” because of the heavy action at this place. British soldiers converged on this crossroads from East Main, Middle Road and Hedly Street. Americans were holding their line at that position.

What Revolutionary Era sites can you still see today? The Friends Meeting House is an important landmark that was used by the British and Hessians as a hospital, barracks, and ammunition storehouse. The stonewalls are there to remind us of the American style of warfare in which the Patriots hid behind the walls in what we would call guerilla warfare aimed at harassing and delaying the British. In Legion Park across from the meetinghouse there is a cannon from the British ship Flora.

What is the story of the Flora? In researching why we have a ship’s cannon at Quaker Hill, I encountered the tale of a ship of many names and nationalities. According to an article by noted marine archaeologist D.K. Abbass, the Flora was a 698 ton, 32-gun Royal Navy frigate. Its original name was LaVestale and it was built by the French Navy in 1757. Once a ship was captured in those days, it was common practice for the vessel to be used in the navy of its captor. In 1761 the ship was captured by the British and was renamed the Flora. By 1776 the Flora was being used as a troop transport.

When the French fleet arrived in Newport in July of 1778, the British did not want the French to capture their ships. The British scuttled seven of their vessels and 13 of their transports were scuttled in the outer harbor. In Washington’s Wolfpack, the Navy before there was a Navy, author Edgar Maclay wrote that the Flora was heaved over on its side and beached for cleaning. It lay between Goat Island and Long Wharf in Newport until April of 1779 when she was raised again. The British used eight 12 pounders from the Flora on the newly outfitted HMS Pigot. The story of how American Silas Talbot outwitted the British on the Pigot is yet another story to tell. The British sank (and burned) the Flora again when they left Rhode Island in December of 1779. She was passed back and forth. 1784 – named “Reconaissance” (French), 1787 back to “Flora” (French), “Citoyenne Francaise” (a French pirate). By 1798 she was captured by HMS Phaeton and sent to the scrap heap.

Flora was not down at the bottom of the harbor, but at least one of her cannons was. In 1940 workmen repairing Long Wharf came across the cannon and the cannon is now displayed at Legion Park in Portsmouth.

A note about privateers: they are privately owned armed vessels, commissioned by a state to attack enemy ships, usually merchant ships. The privateers and their crews usually got the ship and a large percentage of the cargo they captured. Without a real Navy, Americans relied upon these privateers in maritime warfare.