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Revolutionary Rhode Island Women: Revisiting the “Daughters of Liberty”

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Last year at this time I published a blog on the “Daughters of Liberty”. Today I want to revisit the list of women associated with the Daughters. I have found that particular list in a few articles written around 1900 when chapters of the “Daughters of Liberty” were forming in various towns around Rhode Island. What I couldn’t find was any primary source confirmations of these women being involved in “Daughters of Liberty” – Mary Easton Wanton, Polly Wanton, Lucy Ellery, Patience Easton, Mary Champlin and Anne Vernon Olyphant. In searching for information on these women, I found these names and others listed in an Order of Cincinnatti in France 1905 book as giving hospitality to the French troops in Newport during 1780-1781. When I look at genealogical information on the women, I find that some were too young to participate in the 1766 spinning bees. The term “Daughter of Liberty” had been broadened to include patriotic women who furthered the cause for independence. Other sources list Martha Washington, Abigail Adams and Deborah Sampson (who actually fought as a man) as “Daughters of Liberty.”

Looking at primary sources, newspaper articles record the work of the Rhode Island “Daughters of Liberty” in protesting the Stamp Act and Townsend Act with boycotts of imported clothing. Most of the articles date from 1766. One of them is later, 1769.

An entry in The Boston Chronicle of April 7, 1766, states that on March 12, in Providence, Rhode Island, “18 Daughters of Liberty, young ladies of good reputation, assembled at the house of Doctor Ephraim Bowen, in this town. . . . There they exhibited a fine example of industry, by spinning from sunrise until dark, and displayed a spirit for saving their sinking country rarely to be found among persons of more age and experience.” At dinner, they “cheerfully agreed to omit tea, to render their conduct consistent. Besides this instance of their patriotism, before they separated, they unanimously resolved that the Stamp Act was unconstitutional, that they would purchase no more British manufactures unless it be repealed, and that they would not even admit the addresses of any gentlemen should they have the opportunity, without they determined to oppose its execution to the last extremity, if the occasion required.”

The Newport Mercury on April 14, 1766 included a letter to the editor that 20 young ladies met at the “invitation of some young Gentlemen of Liberty, and exhibited a most noble pattern of industry, from a quarter after sunrise til sunset, spinning 74 and 2/3 skeins of good Linen Yarn.” The toast was “Wheels and Flax, and a Fig for the Stamp Act and its Abettors.”

The Newport Mercury published a letter to the editor dated April 23, 1766. It detailed the results of two spinning matches held in Bristol on April 10th and 15th. A chart was attached with names and amounts of skeins spun. This is the only list of names I could find. I checked some of the names through genealogical sources and I could verify that many were Bristol girls and women.

New York Journal 24 August 1769: July 16. — Newport. July 10. “We can assure the Public, that Spinning is so much encouraged among us, that a Lady in Town, who is in very affluent Circumstances, and who is between 70 and 80 years of Age, has within about three Weeks become a very good Spinner, though she never spun a Thread in her Life before. Thus has the Love of Liberty and dread of Tyranny, kindled in the Breast of old and young, a glorious Flame, which will eminently distinguish the fair Sex of the present Time through far distant Ages.”

“Daughters of Liberty” seemed to be a term used for women who boycotted imported clothing, tea and other products. I can find mentions of the spinning bees in the period from 1766-1769. There was a patriotic organization of women’s groups around the country (circa 1900) which took the name “Daughters of Liberty.” They researched and promoted women who had been part of the Revolutionary War effort. In 1895 Alice Morse Earle wrote a book entitled Colonial Dames and Good Wives. She credits Rhode Island women with the beginning of the Daughters of Liberty.

“The earliest definite notice of any gathering of Daughters of Liberty was in Providence in 1766, when seventeen young ladies met at the house of Deacon Ephraim Bowen and spun all day long for the public benefit, and assumed the name Daughters of Liberty. The next meeting the little band had so increased in numbers that it had to meet in the Court House. At about the same time another band of daughters gathered at Newport, and an old list of the members has been preserved. It comprised all the beautiful and brilliant young girls for which Newport was at that time so celebrated.”[Pg 242].

I would love to see that “old list of the members.”

The Adventures of Silas Talbot

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When Lafayette wrote Silas Talbot about a plan to capture the British vessel Pigot, he alluded to Talbots’s “reputation which you have already acquired by your zeal and skill in the artificial way (as a mechanic in the military).” Talbot was known as an “artificer” – “a soldier-mechanic attached to the artillery and engineer service, whose duty it is to construct and repair military materials.” 1. What was there in Talbot’s military history that had him known as a someone who could devise, construct and repair for a military campaign? Talbot had a record of invention, construction and even “daring do” to get the job done. All his past experiences made him useful to the American cause.


Silas Talbot was intimately involved in the Rhode Island Campaign. As someone with experience as a mariner and builder, Talbot helped to construct the flatboats that would take American forces to Portsmouth on August 9th of 1778. As a soldier, Talbot fought in the rear guard to protect the Patriots as they retreated to Tiverton on August 29th and 30th, 1778. Talbot alternated between roles as sailor and soldier throughout the American RevolutionSilas Talbot’s life was full of adventures. There were “rags to riches” stories and then again there were stories of monetary downfall. He was wounded in naval battles and sustained injuries on the Revolutionary War battlefields but he kept getting back into the action. This article will focus on some of those adventures of a representative figure in Revolutionary Rhode Island
Talbot came from a humble background. He was born to a farming family in Dighton, Massachusetts in 1751. His father died when he was twelve and Silas was indentured to a local stonemason. He learned his skills as a bricklayer, but Dighton was a seaport and Silas signed on as a sailor on sloops transporting cargo from Narragansett Bay to as far as the Carolinas. By 1770 Silas settled in Providence where some of his older siblings had established themselves. Silas’ bricklaying skills were put to work in construction. Talbot wanted property and he put aside enough money to buy a lot of land on Weybosset Street. In 1772 Talbot married well. He continued to purchase land and he also began to purchase slaves. Owning a black servant was a status symbol for Talbot. He moved from being a laborer to owning a construction business.


In the aftermath of the burning of the Gaspee and the Boston Tea Party, Rhode Island merchants were alarmed. Independent militias were forming and Talbot joined and was commissioned as a Lieutenant. He joined others of his company in learning military skills in a Providence warehouse, but he didn’t have any real military experience. On June 28, 1775 Talbot answered the Rhode Island Assembly’s call to send units to Boston. He marched with his men to join the Second Rhode Island Regiment and by July 1, he was commissioned a captain. Talbot and the other 1200 men in the Rhode Island brigade took part in the Siege of Boston watching over the Red Coats but not in direct battle. Talbot’s skills as a bricklayer came in handy as they built barracks on Prospect Hill.

By April of 1776 the Siege was over and Talbot and the Rhode Island men were proud to welcome General Washington as he passed through town. As Washington arrived in New London, Rhode Islander Esek Hopkins presented Washington with a problem. Hopkins was Commander in Chief of the Continental Navy. Hopkins had sought safety in New London harbor after damage to his ships. Hopkins needed a crew to sail the ships home to Providence. Washington offered to loan Hopkins men from the Rhode Island Regiment. “All those acquainted with Sea Service that have a mind to join the Admiral as Volunteer have Liberty.” Silas Talbot took that opportunity to sail home to Providence. This was the first example of how Talbot’s military service frequently switched between the army and the navy. In August of 1776 he joined the Rhode Island troops in New York. In September he took part in an attempt to place a “fireship” (literally a ship set on fire with combustibles ) next to a British ship to catch it on fire. Talbot stayed on the “fireship” as long as he could to get it closer to the British vessel. Unfortunately the fireship did little damage, but Talbot was gravely burned.

While Talbot healed he served as a recruitment officer to enroll more Rhode Island troops to the cause.
Talbot’s adventures continue in the next article.

Definition from Century Dictionary

Biographical information from William Fowler Jr’s Silas Talbot: Captain of Old Ironsides

Lafayette’s Mapmaker: Michel Capitaine Du Chesnoy

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I have been searching for a way to illustrate the Marquis de Lafayette’s movements in Rhode Island and I came across a map that will be very helpful. It is a map of the positions of American troops in August of 1778. Rhode Island shorelines are prominent and the American camps are laid out so I can mark Lafayette’s positions throughout the Campaign.

I have seen (and used) this map before, but as I read Lafayette’s letters just before the Rhode Island Campaign, I came to appreciate this map and the French mapmaker, even more. The mapmaker was Michel Capitaine du Chesnoy. Chesnoy arrived in Charlestown, South Carolina with the teenage Lafayette. He was struck by an illness and it was only in the Spring of 1778 that he was well enough to help Lafayette. In his recovery he made maps of battles that he did not witness personally. He did a survey of the British positions at Ticonderoga, (Plan of Carillon or Ticonderoga). The map of Ticonderoga is unique, as mapmaker Chesnoy created the battlefield map through a combination of scouting accounts and secondary maps without visiting the area. 

Chart of the positions occupied by American troops in Rhode Island August 1778 – Chesnoy

When Chesnoy came to America he was thirty-one years old and had been a lieutenant in the French army. He was made a Captain in the engineer corps of the Continental Army. Lafayette was unhappy with that because he considered Du Chesnoy his personal aide. The Marquis wrote to Henry Laurens in a letter dated July 23 from White Plains, New York.

“Mr. Capitaine one of my family has got the commission of a captain of engineers. ..Mr. Capitaine was in the Marshal of Broglios family, they made me a present of him and I attached him to serve me not only in America and in war but also to stay in the family in peaceable times. Such an officer I can’t spare, and I will employ him to make plans of our positions and battled for Gal. Washington, for me and for the king…The only way of getting him out of the engineer is to have for him a commission of Major in the line, he is now in my family but I want to have him entirely my supern-aide-de camp.”
Note: A supernumerary aide had no regular duties and is held in reserve by the commander.

In January of 1779, Chesnoy followed Lafayette back to France. Chesnoy’s maps were used to persuade the French to continue to support the American forces. He presented a collection of his maps to the King of France. When he joined Lafayette in returning to America in 1780 he received a promotion to Captain in the French Army. He continued to serve as Lafayette’s mapmaker and aide-de-camp. His maps record the victories of the Virginia Campaign.

Chesnoy returned to France with Lafayette in 1781 but he kept his commission in the American army until it disbanded in 1783. He died in France in 1804, but his maps are still a valuable resource as we study the Rhode Island Campaign.

Resources:

Map: Capitaine Du Chesnoy, Michel, and Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert Du Motier Lafayette. Carte des positions occupeés par les trouppes Américaines apres leur retraite de Rhode Island le 30 Aout. [1778] Map. https://www.loc.gov/item/00555648/.

Websites About Chesnoy:

https://argo.diedrick.com/people/michel-capitaine-du-chesnoy

https://american-revolution-experience.battlefields.org/people/michel-duchesnoy#chesnoy-france

Paul Revere’s Letter from Rhode Island – August 1778

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Did Paul Revere fight in the Battle of Rhode Island? No, but he participated in the Siege of Newport commanding his artillery company. A letter he wrote to his wife in August of 1778 gives us a glimpse of the experience of the American soldiers during the Siege.

We know the story of Revere’s “Midnight Ride,” but he was involved in more of the war effort than that. George Washington came to Boston in the Spring of 1776 days after the British had evacuated. Tradition has it that Washington asked Paul Revere (a craftsman) to repair the damage the British had done to the cannons on Castle Island. Revere was able to make the repairs and worked on a new type of gun-carriage as well. When Washington left Boston he took the majority of the Massachusetts troops with him. Boston was left to defend itself and on April 10th Revere was commissioned a major in the militia raised to defend Boston. Revere was sent to the Bridgewater area to learn from a French foundry man the method of casting of brass and iron to make cannons as well as the forges to make 18 pound shot. Revere would again meet this French foundry man, Louis de Maresquelle (a.k.a Lewis Ansart), when the Frenchman was an aide de camp to General Sullivan during the Rhode Island Campaign.

Newport Artillery Company fires a Paul Revere Cannon

Paul Revere took part in two efforts to remove the British from Aquidneck Island. The presence of the British in Rhode Island was a threat to Massachusetts. In the fall of 1777 Revere’s troops marched to Rhode Island and then back again. Boston printer John Boyle commented: “Nov 1 the 9000 Men lately raised to go upon a Secret Expedition returned home without effecting any Thing.”

Encouraged by the new French alliance, a second expedition was mounted in the summer of 1778. Col. Revere commanded the Boston artillery train and John Hancock was major general of the 3000 member Massachusetts militia. Revere’s heavy artillery headed for Rhode Island. At first Revere was encouraged about their chances of dislodging the British. While on Aquidneck Island Paul Revere wrote to his wife Rachel. (Annotations are added to make the references clearer to our modern readers.)

“My dear Girl,
…Pray take care of yourself & my little ones. I hoped ere this too have been in Newport, my next hope will be dated there. We have had the most severe N. East Storms I ever knew, but thank Heaven, after 48 hours it is over.”

The storm was devastating to all sides. The French and the English warships were severely damaged. American troops had little shelter from the storm.

“I am in high health and spirits, & (so is) our Army. The Enemy dare not show their heads. We have had about 50 who have deserted to us; Hessians and others. They say more will desert & only wait for opportunity. I am told by the inhabitants that before we came on, they burned 6 of their Frigates; they have destroyed many houses between them & us. I hope we shall make them pay for all.”

When the French fleet entered Narragansett Bay on August 5, HMS Orpheus a 32 gun frigate was run aground at Almy’s Point and set on fire a few miles north of Newport on the west side of Aquidneck Island. The Juno, Lark and Cerberus were also scuttled and burned so that the French and Americans would not capture them. The were positioned so that the wrecks would block shipping lanes.

British maps recording the Siege of Newport show where houses were leveled in order to give British cannons a better line of fire.

“The French Fleet are not returned but I just heard they were off Point Judith with 3 frigates, prizes, this, I am told, comes from Head Quarters. I do not assert it for fact, but hope it is true”

When he wrote this letter, Revere was not aware of the damage to the French fleet.

“You have heard this Island is the Garden of America indeed it used to appeal so, but those British Savages have so abused and destroyed the Trees (the greater part of which was Fruit Trees) that it does not look like the same Island; some of the inhabitants who left it hardly know where to find their homes.”

After almost two years of occupation, Aquidneck Islanders lost almost all their trees and anything made of wood – docks, farm tools, wagons.

“Col. Crafts is obliged to act under Col. Crane which is a severe Mortification to him. I have but little to do with him having a separate command.”

Col. Crafts had turned down a military appointment because it was not high enough for someone of his stature. In the Rhode Island Campaign he was under the command of someone he had criticized as not being worthy of his position.

“It is very irksome to be separated from her whom I so tenderly love, and from my little lambs, but were I at home I should want to be here. It seems as if half Boston was here. I hope the affair will soon be settled. I think it will not be long first.”

The phrase, “It seems as if half Boston was here” is often quoted. The Boston militia was there.

“I trust that Allwise Being who has protected me will still protect me, and send me safely to the Arms of her whom it is my greatest happiness to call my own. Paul is well; send Duty and love to all. …Col. Matescall, (Lewis Ansart) who is one of General Sullivans Adi Camps, tell me this minute that the French have took a Transport with British Grenadiers, but could not tell particulars. Your own, Paul Revere”

Paul is Revere’s 18 year old son. He had been his father’s lieutenant and served with him.

When Paul Revere wrote this letter he did not know of the damage to the French fleet. When it was clear that the fleet would not return, the Massachusetts troops under John Hancock began to leave Aquidneck Island. Hancock complained of the length and tiresomeness of the campaign. He had heard that his child was sick and dying and he thought that if the the fleet had gone to Boston, he could facilitate the re-fitting of the ships. Hancock did his best to smooth over the testy relationship between D’Estaing who commanded the French fleet and the Americans.

Back in Boston Revere was losing men to service on three types of ships: privateers, Continental and Massachusetts. Some of his men had lost their blankets on the retreat from Rhode Island and lacked clothing, pay and ways to feed their families. Revere entered the action in Rhode Island with high spirits, but found discouragement in the aftermath.

Resources

Forbes, Esther. Paul Revere and the World He Lived In. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1942. This source provided the background to Revere’s story and the letter from the Siege.

Boyle, John. Journal of Occurrences in Boston, 1759-1778 in N.E. Historical General Register. Quoted in Forbe’s book on Revere.

Cembrola, Bob. Discovery of British Frigates and the University of Rhode Island. Naval war College Museum Blog, April 16, 2020. https://navalwarcollegemuseum.blogspot.com/2020/04/discovery-of-british-frigates-and.html. Accessed Nov. 1, 2023.

Seth Anthony Remembers the Battle of Rhode Island

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In researching another topic in Revolutionary Rhode Island, I came across a book by Judge Benjamin Cowell. Cowell was born in 1781, so he wasn’t a Revolutionary War Veteran, but he made it his aim in life to help Rhode Island veterans get their pensions. He began recording the stories these old soldiers had to tell to justify their service. Cowell began to gather eyewitness accounts, speeches, letters, rosters and every piece of information he could find on Rhode Island’s role in the War for Independence. In 1850 he gathered all this material into a book: Spirit of ’76 in Rhode Island. I am gradually making my way through this book, but I found a Portsmouth story to share.

Cowell introduces the story this way (he refers to himself as “the writer”: “In the summer of 1849, the writer reconnoitered the battle ground on Rhode Island to ascertain any interesting facts which might be within the recollection of any of the old inhabitants in the neighborhood; and in his researches, he called at the house of Mr. Seth Anthony, an aged “Friend” who now lives on the farm where the battle took place, and always lived in the neighborhood.  From him he gathered no little information, and from questions which the writer put to him he received a few days afterwards the following reply, which deserves a place in these sketches.

Portsmouth, Oct 13, 1849.  To Benjamin Cowell, Providence, Respected Friend, —In answer to thy questions I have to say, that I was about twelve years of age at the time of Sullivan’s expedition against the British, and lived with my father on the west road on the Island, about two and a half miles from Bristol Ferry, lived there all the time the British were in possession of the Island, and I have now, although eighty-two years of age, a distinct recollection of most of the events that took place, at least in our neighborhood.  The battle on the 29th of August, 1778, took place on the farm on which I now live, which is a little to the westward of the house where my father lived; there had been skirmishing all day, but the principal fight was a little northward of “Anthony’s Hill.” (Note that we call it Almy’s Hill.) Before the American troops came on the island, the British had fortified Butt’s Hill, one of their Generals (Smith) quartered at my father’s house, the Hessians quartered in the Friends’ Meeting House on Quaker Hill.  After General Sullivan came on, the enemy retreated towards Newport, and I recollect General Greene took up his quarters at my father’s house. 

Almy Hill Battle Site – Garman photo

When the enemy came back on the 29th, while Gen. Greene was eating his breakfast, our house-maid said to him, the British would have him; he observed very cooly “he would eat his breakfast first;”  after he had done he went to his troops.  During the day some Hessians entered our house, and plundered every thing they could,— they took my father’s silver knee-buckles; I saw one of them take hold of my father and demand his money and threatened his life, but he did not get it; my father had about two thousand dollars in gold and silver, but he had taken the precaution to bury it under an old stone wall.  The Hessians also searched my mother’s pocket, turned it inside out, but there was no money in it.  My father and mother were “Friends,” and we kept silence as to our political opinions.  I remember Gen. Green once observed that his mother was a Friend, and was opposed to his going into the army, but she said “if he would go, to be faithful.”  There appeared to be fighting all day, sometimes one side would drive the other and then be obliged to retreat.  But as far as I could judge, the main armies did not fight.  It appears to me the events of that day will always be fresh in my recollection.

I also remember the great storm some days before the battle, I never knew so severe a storm before; it lasted several days, and did a vast deal of damage.  The day after the battle the Americans all left the Island.  And I also do distinctly recollect that the day after the fighting the British determined to burn all the houses in our neighborhood, and would have done it if the Americans had not left the Island that night.- We had this information from the British Officers..  (Signed). Seth Anthony

Butts Hill Fort 1781: French Masons and Sally Ports

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We can get clues to what Butts Hill Fort may have looked like in 1781 from the orderly books of the American units who were helping the French reshape the fortifications into a proper fort. One of these orderly books was written by Ebenezer Thayer Jr. It covers August 16 to November 28, 1780. It is available through the Huntington Digital Library. There is another orderly book at the John Hay Library at Brown. It is difficult for me to transcribe the one at Brown. Thayer’s book was less difficult to transcribe and covered a greater period of time, so it was easier for me to draw material from it. Thayer, a Harvard educated minister, was in charge of a three-month regiment of a Massachusetts militia raised to support the Expédition Particulière, the French expeditionary army under the command of Rochambeau. The regiment was placed under the command of William Heath and stationed in Rhode Island at Butts Hill.

Oct 17. 1780 – Thayer’s orderly book. Transcription adapted for understanding.

The wagon masters of the Brigade are directed to attend on the works with their Wagons at the time the Fatigue party (Non Military chores) goes on the works and fetch one Load of Stones each for the purpose of Building the pillows (could that be pillars?) of the Fort every morning until they Receive further Orders from the Commandant. And they will apply to the (Linguister?) at the fort to know where the Stone shall be brought from.

One group that were assured of good provisions were those actively helping the French masons.

October 16th “There are four men to be detached from the brigade to attend constantly on the French Masons until the stone pillows (pillars?) of the Fort are completed and two masons detached to assist the French Masons until the works are finished and for their service they shall receive half a pint of rum a day when in the store.” Their provisions are ready for them so that they can complete the Fort works in a timely manner.”

Fort building was hard work. One entry records that the American wagons are bringing loads of stone to the works at Butts Hill Fort. They are building a “sally port” which is a secure, controlled entry way to an enclosure like a fort. All tools must be returned to the engineer. Members of the Black Regiment continued the “works” at Butts Hill Fort once the Massachusetts militias departed.

October 25, 1780: “The wagoners will attend on the works tomorrow and fetch two load of stones each for the building of the pillows of the sally port”

They are building a “sally port.” All tools must be returned to the engineer. What could a sally port to an earthenware fort look like? We have an example that gives us an idea. Below are examples of sally ports with earthen fortifications. Both images are in the collection of the Library of Congress. The image on the left is of Fort Wayne in Detroit. The image on the right is from Yorktown.

What have we learned about Butts Hill Fort in 1781 from the Orderly Book of Thayer?

  1. In 1780 a sally port was being constructed.
  2. French and American masons worked on the sally port.
  3. Wagon loads of stone were being brought up to the fort.
  4. “Pillows” or could they be pillars, were part of the sally port design.

I would welcome the help of those who understand more about military fortifications to guide me on the meaning of the “pillows.” The wagoner’s were getting guidance from the “Linguister” (Singuister) on where to get the stone. Who in the military could that be?

A Hessian View of the Rhode Island Campaign

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The diary of Johann Conrad Dohla gives us a unique account of the Rhode Island Campaign. Dohla was one of the Hessian (German) troops whose services were sold to George III to fight against the Rebels in the American Revolution. He arrived in America in 1777 as a private in the Ansbach-Rayreuth group of Hessians. In June of 1777 he arrived in Newport, Rhode Island. In this blog I will include part of his diary entries from August 1778 that help us understand what was happening on Aquidneck Island (Rhode Island) during the Rhode Island Campaign.

August 7, 1778


Our Bayreuth Regiment sent a large command to the region beyond Tonimy Hill. All Turkish and Indian corn and all other grains on Rhode Island were destroyed. All stone walls and fences around the fields were torn down. All trees were chopped down, and many houses torn down and burned down in order to detect sooner the arrival of the enemy crossing over from New England.

August 9, 1778

…. During the night, after tattoo (a military lights out), our regiment had to fall out in the greatest haste and march forward three English miles because the rebels were crossing over to Rhode Island in many boats. We remained under the open sky throughout the night and the next morning returned to our camp. Also during the night a Hessian ensign and three men, and an English lieutenant and two men, went over to the enemy.

August 11, 1778.

We moved our camp about one hour forward and again set up our tents near Tominy Hill. This Tominy Hill, an exceptionally strong hill fortification on a high cliff, is the place to which our troops would fall back in an emergency.


August 17, 1778

At work on the fortifications. We laid out a line and dug the trench. Everywhere batteries and redoubts, as well as connecting trenches, were completed all along our line, and everything soundly reinforced with wood. The fortifications work continued day and night without let up, and we had many hardships. Within or lines ten principal fortified points were played out namely: 1. Stone Battery, 2. The North Trench, 3. Somerset, 4. The Irish Redoubt, 5. Fort Fanning, 6. Fort Clinton, 7. Fort Percy, 8. the Ice Redoubt, 9. Prince Dauneck, and 10, Conanicut. The enemy, in a little less than an hour, set up a big camp opposite, set his posts and sentries very near us, and fortified himself in the region of Boxland Ferry.

August 19, 1778

At noon today the enemy, after completing his battery on this side of the heights, began to fire cannon at our camp and defenses and to throw in bombs. Therefore we had to change our front and camped all together behind the fortifications of Tominy Hill as we camped in front of it previously. eHere we were safe from the balls and bombs. The batteries and fortifications of both sides fired heavily, and that continued unceasingly, only ending during the blackness of night.

August 22, 1778

In the morning I went on work detail at the fortifications. During the night the French ships, which had been before the Newport Harbor, disappeared and no one knew where they had gone.

August 28, 1778

This night a 25 man picket from our regiment, commanded by Lt. Ciracy, was attacked by a strong party of Americans, who had crept up through a field of Indian corn. One of our men was killed in this action, and three men were wounded. The enemy, however, had to pull back and take flight. Also tonight, the Americans withdrew the artillery with which they had been firing at us and their heavy baggage to New England, but continuously harassed our outposts in order to cover their withdrawal.

August 29, 1778

When during the early morning, we began to fire our cannon at the enemy, there was no answer in return. Therefore, two thousand men from the army, including our two regiments, were ordered to search out and pursue the retreating enemy, They marched for about three English miles, where they caught up with the enemy, who opposed us as much as possible and, grouped together in order to frustrate our attack, amounted to about ten thousand men. Finally, when the cannon began firing at them, they took flight. They were pursued, and the firing from both sides lasted throughout the day. In our advance we had to climb over many stone walls, five to six feet high, which served as fences around the fields. The enemy often took post behind these and fired through the openings where stones had been removed. Despite this difficulty, we chased them back into their fortifications, of which one, called “Windmill Hill,” had many heavy cannon. Since a farther advance was not advisable, we stood still until the cannon arrived; from which time, throughout the day, each side fired against the other.

During this heavy fighting our regiment, as we were on the left wing, engaged in combat the entire day. We lost no more than three me….They were killed by a cannonball, and two men were wounded. …

August 31, 1778

In the morning, as it became apparent that the enemy had completely left the island, the vacated defenses were immediately occupied by the English and Hessians, and we began to set up camp near Windmill Hill.

Resources

Map: Partie de l’etat de Rhode-Island, et position des armees Americaine …

Dohla, Johann. A Hessian Diary of the American Revolution. Norman, Oklahoma,University of Oklahoma Press. 1990.

Durfee’s Account of Rhode Island Campaign

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This is an account by an eyewitness, but Joseph Durfee is penning his reminiscences many years after the events. At the time of the Battle of Rhode Island, Durfee was a major in Col. Whitney’s Regiment. The last blog related Durfee’s account of the “Battle of Fall River” and this blog entry is a continuation of the account beginning with the Americans crossing to Aquidneck Island.

Preparation for invasion of Aquidneck

” During a considerable part of the month of August following (the Battle of Fall River – see the previous blog), we were busily engaged in procuring arms, ammunition, and provisions for the soldiers, and in building flat-bottomed boats and scows for the troops to cross over the river on to Rhode Island, with a view to dislodge the British army, who then had possession of the island. A barn, now standing near the Stone Bridge, was occupied for a commissary store, of which I had the charge until things were in readiness and the troops prepared to cross over to the island, when I left the store in charge of my friend and relative, Walter Chaloner.

The Expedition Begins

In the fore part of August 1798, the American troops embarked in the boats and scows prepared for them and landed on Rhode Island, where I joined them, having been appointed a Major in Colonel Whitney’s Regiment. Our troops were then marched to a spot but a short distance to the North of what is called Butts’ Hill; where they encamped for the night with nothing but the canopy of heaven for a covering and the ground for our beds. But we were animated with the hope of liberty–with a belief that we were engaged in a righteous cause—and that He, who sways the sceptre of the universe would prosper our undertaking.

Waiting on the French

At this time we were anxiously looking for the French fleet from which we hoped for assistance against the enemy, whose numerous bodies of troops were before us. Soon the French fleet bore in sight, when the British set fire to the shipping in the harbor and blew up most of the vessels within their reach. Not long after the French fleet came up, the British fleet appeared in the offing. Immediately the French fleet tacked about, went about and attacked the British squadron, when broadsides were exchanged and a bloody battle ensued.

The Storm

A tremendous storm came on long remembered as the Angust storm, in which the two fleets were separated, and many who had escaped the cannon’s mouth found a watery grave. The French feet, or so much of it as survived the storm, went into Boston to repair and the remnant of the British fleet went into New York.

Siege of Newport

Soon after this storm, our troops marched in three divisions towards Newport. One on the East road, so called one on the West road, and the Brigade, commanded by General Titcomb moved in the centre, until we came in sight of Newport–when orders were given to halt, erect a marque and pitch our tents. General orders were issued for a detachment from the army of three thousand men – our number being too small to risk a general engagement with the great body of British troops then quartered on the South end of the Island. Early on the next morning a detachment of troops, of which I was one, was ordered to proceed forthwith and take possession of what was called Hunneman’s Hill. The morning was foggy and enabled us to advance some distance unobserved by the enemy — but the fog clearing away before we reached the hill, we were discovered by the British and Tory troops, who commenced such a heavy cannonade upon us, that it was deemed expedient by the commanding officers, to prevent the destruction of many of our brave troops, that we should fall back and advance under the cover of night. Accordingly when night came, we marched to the hill undiscovered by the enemy. We immediately commenced throwing up a breast work and building a fort. When daylight appeared, we had two cannon mounted–one twenty-four pounder and one eighteen–and with our breast work we had completed a covered way to pass and repass without being seen by the enemy. The British had a small fort or redoubt directly under the muzzles of our cannon, with which we saluted them and poured in the slot so thick upon them that they were compelled to beat up a retreat. But they returned again at night to repair their fort, when they commenced throwing bomb shells into our fort, which however did but little damage. I saw several of them fiying over our heads and one bursting in the air, a fragment fell upon the shoulder of a soldier and killed him.

Retreat

At this time, we were anxiously waiting the return of the French fleet from Boston, where they had gone to repair. But learning that they could not then return, and knowing the situation of the British troops, that they were enlarging and strengthening their furts and redoubts, and that they had reinforcements arriving daily from New York, it was deemed expedient by our commanding officers, Lafayette, Green and Sullivan, all experienced and brave Generals, that we should retreat to the North end of the Island. Accordingly, on the 29th day of August, early in the morning we struck our marque and tents and commenced a retreat. The British troops followed, and soon came up with our rear-guard and commenced firing upon them. The shots were briskly returned and continued at intervals, until our troops were joined by a part of our army a short distance to the South of Quaker Hill, so called, when a general engagement ensued, in which many lives were lost on both sides. At night, we retreated from the Island to Tiverton. On the following day we left ‘Tiverton, crossed over Slade’s ferry and marched through Pawtucket and Providence to Pawtucket where we remained until our service expired.”

Resources:

“Plan of the works, which form the exterior line of defence, for the town of New-Port in Rhode Island : Also of the batteries and approaches made by the rebels on Honeymans Hill during their attack in August 1778 / This plan surveyed and drawn by Edward Fage, lieutt of artillery, November 1778.”. https://quod.lib.umich.edu/w/wcl1ic/x-8373/wcl008443. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed November 21, 2022.

Reminiscences of Col. Joseph Durfee : relating to the early history of Fall River and of Revolutionary scenes. (1830s)

Prelude to Battle: Two Views of the “Battle of Fall River”

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In May of 1778, American forces were preparing the flatboats they would need to cross the Sakonnet River to drive the British out of Aquidneck Island in what would become known as the Rhode Island Campaign. The British were aware of these preparations and earlier in May they had successfully raided Warren and Bristol to destroy boat making facilities and saw mills. On May 31st the British turned their attention across to the mainland at Fall River. Fall River had a sawmill by the shore and nine longboats were being constructed for the Rebel invasion. At that time, Fall River was just a cluster of houses along the Taunton and Quequechan Rivers.

British soldier Frederick Mackenzie and American Colonel Joseph Durfee provide us with accounts of the May 1778 British raid on Fall River. Mackenzie’s diary entry was written at the time. Durfee’s remembrances were written much later. He incorrectly states that the raid was on Sunday, May 25th. The raid was actually on a Sunday, but it was May 31st instead. It is clear from both views that the raid was part of the prelude to the Rhode Island Campaign by the Americans.

Mackenzie’s View:

31st May…The General and the Commodore having determined to attempt destroying some Saw Mills, and a quantity of Plank for building boats, which they had upon Fall River; the Pigot Galley, A Gunboat, some Flat boats, and the boats of the Flora, Juno, Venus, Orpheus, & Kingfisher, under the direction of Captain Christian of The Kingfisher; with 100 men of the 54th Regiment under the Command of Major Eyre of that Regiment; were ordered for this service. At 12 oClock last night they passed through Bristol ferry, unperceived by the Rebels, and proceeded up Mount Hope Bay, except the Pigot, which unfortunately ran aground in the upper part of the Passage, which gave an alarm to The Rebels, who immediately communicated it by firing Signal Guns which were repeated on both sides of the Bay. The boats waited some time in hopes of being joined by the Pigot, but finding the Alarm was given, they moved on to their destination without her, and on approaching the shore near Fall River, they were fired on by a Guard of about 40 men; but pushing directly in, the Troops landed and dispersed the Enemy. They then proceeded to the First mills, where one Saw-Mill, a Corn Mill, 9 large boats and about 15000 feet of Plank were burnt. On advancing a small distance toward the other Mills, they found a considerable Number of the Enemy posted at, and above them, from whom they received a heavy fire by which 2 men were killed, and an Officer & 4 men wounded. It being then judged imprudent to attempt forcing the post, or to continue longer on shore, the troops returned to the boats, and re-embarked without molestation.

Durfee’s Remembrances

On the 25th May, 1778, early Sabbath morning, about one hundred and fifty British troops under the command of Major Ayers, landed at Fall River and commenced an attack upon the few people then residing here. The men rallied under the command of Col. (then Major) Joseph Durfee, and after a brave and spirited resistance, which took place near where Main street crosses the stream, repulsed the invaders, and compelled them to retreat. They left one man dead, who was killed directly opposite where the Pocasset House now stands, and about four rods from the front door; and another mortally wounded, and lying five or six rods further west, who soon died. When the enemy first landed, they set fire to the house of Thomas Borden, then nearly new, and standing at the head of the present Iron Works Co.’s Wharf, and also to his grist-mill and sawmill standing near the mouth of Fall River, which were consumed. When they were retreating they set fire to several other buildings, which were saved by the vigilance of the little Spartan band who had given them so warm a reception, and who closely pursued them in their retreat, killing one of the retreating party after they had entered their boats….. Much praise was due to the defenders of Fall River for their firmness and bravery, in resisting and repelling five times their number. But few, if any battles were fought, during the Revolution, in which so large a force was repulsed by so small a number. Through the interposing mercy of Divine Providence, not an individual of our defenders was either killed or wounded.

Keeping in mind the difference between an eyewitness account recorded at the time and one that is remembered later, can we compare the accounts.

Both agree that it was on a Sunday around midnight.

Both have the British commander being Major Ayers (Eyre).

Durfee said there were 150 British troops. Mackenzie writes of 100 of the 54th Regiment, but obviously there were other forces to operate the number of boats used in the attack.

Mackenzie said the British passed by Bristol Ferry without detection, but the Pigot ran aground and that set off Rebel signal guns which gave the alarm. The British were fired upon by a Guard of 40 men, but they overwhelmed the Rebels and advanced to burn a saw mill, a corn mill, 9 large boats and 15,000 ft. of plank. Advancing toward other mills they found Rebel resistance and they suffered two killed and 5 men wounded. At this point they went back to their boats.

Earlier in Durfee’s account he writes that by 1777 the citizens of Fall River proposed raising a guard to ward off the harassment from British troops. He sought the aid of General Sullivan and was given provisions for a guard of 20. They devised a warning system of night sentinels. In that early Sunday morning one of the guards discovered the British ship. He fired upon the boat and “this created an alarm and the whole neighborhood were soon in arms.” The British fired their cannons and fired grapeshot at the Americans. The enemy set fire to the Thomas Borden house and took Borden prisoner. They set fire to Borden’s gristmill and saw mill. The British set fire to some other buildings, but they retreated in a hurry and the citizens were able to save the buildings.

Both accounts are similar. Mackenzie mentions setting fire to boats and planks. In both cases the citizens of Fall River seem more on-guard than the communities of Bristol and Warren. The Fall River Rebels had a more organized guard system.

Note: If you want to learn more, you can visit Joseph Durfee’s house in Fall River. The Lafayette Durfee House is a house museum and is open to the public.

Resources:
Durfee, Joseph, Reminiscences of Col. Joseph Durfee : relating to the early history of Fall River and of Revolutionary scenes.,
[Fall River, Mass.? :s.n.,1834?]
Public Domain, Google-digitized.
Permanent URL 
https://hdl.handle.net/2027/hvd.32044019879204

Diary of Frederick Mackenzie, Vol. I

“Plan of the adjacent coast to the northern part of Rhode Island, to express the route of a body of troops under the command of Lieut Colonel Campbell of the 22d: Regiment to destroy the enemies batteaux, vessels, galley &c &c &c which was accomplished May 25th 1778 / laid down and drawn by Edwd Fage, lieutt. of artillery.”. https://quod.lib.umich.edu/w/wcl1ic/x-628/wcl000739. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed November 09, 2022.

Prelude to Battle: Campbell’s Raids in Warren and Bristol

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As the American forces were preparing for an attack on Aquidneck Island in Spring of 1778, the British forces were active in trying to crush the Rebel capability to transport troop across the river from Tiverton. British soldier Frederick Mackenzie’s diary shows that they were well aware of the impending invasion.

May 19, “The intelligence received from all quarters agree in stating that an attack on this Island is intended, and will probably be soon attempted.”

May 22, “The Rebels are certainly preparing for an attack on this Island; and the General having intelligence of the situation of their boats, is making arrangement for the destruction of them.”

The Rebels would need to reach Rhode Island (Aquidneck) by boat and the British planned to attack shipyards, lumber mills and military stores. On May 25, 1778, Mackenzie records that the 22nd Regiment, Companies of the 54th, Notenius’s Company of Hessian Chasseurs, ..etc. (500 men in total) moved to Arnold’s Point in Portsmouth. They embarked in flatboats and landed at the mouth of the Warren River. Campbell’s men were divided into two columns. In the town of Warren itself they burned down the Baptist meeting house and other buildings, ransacked homes and property. The other group of Campbell’s men headed to the Kickemuit River. By the Kikemuit Bridge they found and burned 125 boats, large batteaux capable of carrying 40 soldiers. They found a sloop loaded with military stores, a store house, and a corn mill and they burned them. They also burned houses, a bridge and gun carriages. They spiked cannons and set fire to new Privateer Sloop as well as magazines of gun powder.

Campbells troops returned by way of Bristol. About 300 Rebels were assembled behind walls, trees and houses. They burned houses, a church, ammunition magazines and twenty of the principal houses. The British boats came round from Papasquash Point to the Bristol Ferry. The British ships Flora and Pigot covered the British troops as they crossed over from Bristol Ferry.

Mackenzie writes: “69 Rebel prisoners were brought over from Bristol to Windmill Hill” (Butts Hill Fort).

Having raided Warren and Bristol and destroying American flatboats, Campbell’s forces made their way back to Newport on their own flatboats.

The raids certainly delayed the American troops as they prepared for the Rhode Island Campaign.

The next blog will cover the British Raid at Fall River.

Resources:

Diary of Frederick Mackenzie, Vol. 1

Map: “Plan of the adjacent coast to the northern part of Rhode Island, to express the route of a body of troops under the command of Lieut Colonel Campbell of the 22d: Regiment to destroy the enemies batteaux, vessels, galley &c &c &c which was accomplished May 25th 1778 / laid down and drawn by Edwd Fage, lieutt. of artillery.”. https://quod.lib.umich.edu/w/wcl1ic/x-628/wcl000739. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed November 09, 2022.

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